1. Idle No More catches fire
Everywhere you look across the country and globally Indigenous peoples are leading change in their communities. Idle No More changed everything.
Of all the events that have defined the last decade, the rise of the historic Idle No More movement would have to rank at the top of the list.
The movement not only catapulted Indigenous issues into the media spotlight, but it helped rally countless Canadians to the cause of saving the planet.
At round dances, rallies and teach-ins, a fire had been lit.
Indigenous women and their allies from all over Canada went out into Native Friendship Centres, the countrys urban areas, universities anywhere that would have them to talk about what was happening in Indigenous communities. The issues varied according to region: lengthy omnibus bills being pushed through Parliament; targeted funding cuts to First Nations advocacy groups; the vilification of leaders and community members defending their rights; growing socioeconomic crises on reserves; and the weakening of laws to protect our waterways.
And then there was Bill C-51. Stephen Harpers so-called anti-terrorism legislation was used to justify increased surveillance of the activities of environmentalists and other social justice activists. The governments legal and policy moves were attacks on not only native rights but on the core democratic freedoms of Canadians. This is where we found unity, and Idle No More came to symbolize the importance of the relationship between Canadians and Indigenous peoples.
Like a wildfire, the teach-ins, information sessions and rallies grew exponentially. Within weeks, there were hundreds of Indigenous peoples organizing under the Idle No More banner. There was no organizational chart. There was no body of elected officials. Idle No More was an organic movement. While some in the group focused on teach-ins and round dances to draw attention to their concerns, others engaged in protests and blockades. While some spokespeople were appointed, others rose naturally.
Idle No More left federal officials scrambling to adjust. It also shook the foundations of national and regional Aboriginal organizations.
The Assembly of First Nations had long fallen out of favour with grassroots Indigenous peoples for its increasingly cozy relationships with government and its failure to advocate for First Nations peoples on the over-incarceration of Indigenous peoples; the over-representation of Indigenous children in foster care; and the alarming increase in murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls. They were all issues being neglected by the AFN and other regional organizations in favour of joint announcements on legislation loudly rejected by the majority of First Nation leaders and grassroots citizens.
While the very public phase has largely passed, Idle No More can be found firmly rooted in strategic resistance and revitalization efforts in communities across the country. The next decade will likely be the fight of our lives as we battle the climate crisis and the spread of fringe right-wing governments. This is a fire that cant be put out now. Pamela Palmater
In May 2017, a mix of torrential rain storms and record runoff around the Great Lakes caused Lake Ontario water levels to raise a metre above normal, the highest it had been in 100 years. Flood waters overwhelmed Toronto Islands, where ducks swam in newly formed ponds on front lawns and fish flopped in the waterlogged roads. The flood closed the islands to the public for three months and cost the city at least $8.45 million.
Over the last decade, severe flooding has become the norm in Toronto. In July 2013, drivers on flooded streets ditched their cars for higher ground, including a $200,000 silver Ferrari stuck under a swamped underpass. In August 2018, a ninja storm named for their sudden appearance slammed parts of Toronto, nearly drowning two men stuck in an elevator.
The climate crisis is not only lapping at Torontos shores its flooding our basements and turning our streets into rivers.
While the city is getting wetter, its also getting hotter. Toronto will have 2.5 times more extreme hot days per year as there is now.
But its not too late to improve our prospects. Earlier this year, the city released its first ever resilience strategy, an action plan that includes flood-mitigation programs and building a sustainable food system. The city is also making strides toward its goal to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, thanks to the former provincial governments shut-down of Ontarios coal-fired power plants.
Most of the inspiring change is happening at the grassroots level, like the neighbourhood groups that are working toward ending plastic waste and youth-led climate actions. But the next decade needs to be defined by political will. Samantha Edwards
In an ideal world, Rob Ford would never have been the mayor of Toronto. Hed have remained a reactionary conservative city councillor who voted against programs and policies he didnt like, and who coached football on the side. He was a nuisance, but we could have managed.
But Rob ran for mayor in 2010, and he won. And Toronto is still recovering from four years of chaotic mendacity. Worse, his particular brand of red-faced populism served as a test run for the rise of other blundering incompetents.
Theres no point in printing the legend: Rob Ford was a disastrous mayor and a pretty awful person besides. His catchy campaign slogans were empty promises: there was no gravy train to stop, no fat to trim. Enabled at every turn by his brother Doug, who assumed Robs former position on city council, Rob immediately steered Toronto into stagnation, cancelling the ambitious Transit City project on his first day in office and wasting months (and millions) looking for efficiencies that didnt exist.
As a councillor, he was one whiny, occasionally racist voice among dozens, and his behaviour could be overlooked; as mayor, he was thrust into a spotlight he just couldnt handle. Clearly miserable once council started pushing back against his bullying tactics, Rob started to act out: showing up drunk in public, getting caught on video doing crack, ranting in patois at restaurants, groping women at events (or making obscene propositions), attacking reporters (sometimes literally) and so on.
His bad behaviour made the city a global laughingstock, not that it stopped him. With Ford there was no ceiling or feeling shame. And, as he was quick to demonstrate, there was no bottom, either.
Whenever bad news broke, hed just deny everything, hide behind friendly media, eventually declare the controversy old news and insist we all move on. If that sounds familiar, its because Donald Trump did the same thing on the U.S. campaign trail in 2016, and Doug Ford did it all over again when he ran for premier in 2018.
And Rob was prepared to do it all again, but he was forced to abandon his re-election campaign in September 2014 when he was diagnosed with a rare form of terminal cancer. Doug took his place on the ballot, losing to John Torys promise of bland stability. Rob and Dougs nephew Michael Ford ditched his own campaign for council so Rob could run in his place and reclaim his old seat. He won.
Ford spent most of his final term in and out of hospital. He died on March 22, 2016. But his long shadow still looms over Toronto. Norman Wilner
There are countless metrics to track the housing crisis in Toronto over the past decade.
Average rent for a one bedroom in Toronto has increased from $950 in 2010 to $2,320 in November 2019, the highest in the country. There are some 100,000 households on a wait list for social housing. The vacancy rate hovers around one per cent. Predatory landlords, renovictions and other shady tactics are on the rise, with a recent report from Advocacy Centre for Tenants Ontario finding that personal-use evictions have nearly doubled since 2015.
But its not like most renters can realistically transition into home ownership, either. Based on current housing prices, it would take a median-income renter household between 11 and 27 years to save for a 10 per cent down payment.
And while renters face bidding wars over barely legal basement apartments, developers have built around 80,000 new condo units in the last 10 years. Most of those units have been in CityPlace the area between Bathurst, Blue Jays Way, Front and Lake Shore which has become one of the densest neighbourhoods in the city. These high-rise communities have become a hotbed for Airbnb rentals, much to the ire of actual residents. Insufficient planning foresight also means that the current neighbourhood lacks adequate green space, parks and schools.
The rise of the condo illustrates that the citys housing crisis isnt a simple supply-and-demand problem. Toronto is building thousands of units a year, but none are truly affordable and are not built specifically for rental. And as Leilani Farha, the Ottawa-based UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Housing, told NOW earlier this year, even if more affordable housing is built, that wouldnt necessarily solve our crisis. There need to be legal protections in place to keep it affordable.
So what can be done in this decade to quell the current affordability crisis? All levels of governments need to build deeply affordable housing that is protected from financialization, reinstate rent control on new rentals and crackdown on private-equity landlords who turn housing stock into tradable commodities. SE
Toronto hip-hop existed and thrived before the 2010s, but this was the decade when the world started paying attention. All it took was the rise of a former Degrassi kid savvy with an ear for trends and a talent for brand-building. It also helped that his brand was totally inextricable from his home city.
Drakes rise to A-list status coincided with the citys reputation: he played like he was a big deal until people started believing it. Soon he had packed festival and stadium crowds all over North America screaming about the 6ix a goofy nickname that only Drizzy could have made stick. By midway through the decade, he had turned his annual OVO Fest into hip-hops Super Bowl, bringing superstars like Jay-Z, Kanye West and Stevie Wonder. Critics from the Guardian and the New York Times started booking an automatic yearly trip to Toronto for a hip-hop concert. Imagine that before Drake.
In 2011, a pair of local releases defined a sound that soon became synonymous with the city. The Weeknds shadowy debut mixtape House Of Balloons and its spiritual successor, Drakes Take Care, introduced a dark, emotional Toronto sound that was soon everywhere in hip-hop and R&B: a chemically numbed mix of bravado and vulnerability that everyone wanted to try their hand at. Some of these artists are from the city and its suburbs. Others want you to believe they are. Again, imagine that. Richard Trapunski
The #MeToo movement didnt fully gain steam until fall 2017, but the trial of Jian Ghomeshi was the first sign a reckoning was on the way.
In 2014, he was fired from the CBC and charged with four counts of sexual assault and one choking-related offence. The charges felt like a vindication, a signal that finally society and the criminal justice system would no longer turn a blind eye to sexual harm when it involved powerful men. So when Ghomeshi was acquitted of all charges in 2016, and Justice William Horkinss verdict described the witnesses testimony as outright deception, the backlash was immediate, with hundreds of protesters assembled around the courthouse chanting, We believe survivors.
In a self-aggrandizing essay for the New York Review Of Books in 2018, Ghomeshi called himself a #MeToo pioneer, referring to the men whose downfalls came after: Harvey Weinstein, Kevin Spacey, Louis C.K., etc. Hes not a pioneer the 28 brave women who came forward are but he did inadvertently help usher in a new era where sexual assault victims take to social media to share their stories, realizing that they cant count on the courts to make their abusers accountable. He inspired Robyn Doolittles Globe and Mail series Unfounded, about the widespread mishandling of sexual assault cases by Canadian police, and the hashtag #BeenRapedNeverReported, started by Canadian journalists Antonia Zerbisias and Sue Montgomery.
But more importantly, his trial was a catalyst for conversations around consent, power and misogyny in Toronto and across North America. SE
The country plunged into the worst public health emergency in years as thousands overdosed and died after consuming tainted opioids. In fact, so many people fatally overdosed between 2016 and 2017 that life expectancy for Canadians has stalled for the first time in four decades.
Despite a dramatic increase in the death rate in Ontario 1,261 people in 2017, up roughly 45 per cent over 2016 the provincial government was slow to heed activist calls to fund supervised safe-injection sites. So a group of harm-reduction workers took action and opened an unsanctioned site in a tent in Moss Park in August 2017. They moved into a trailer during the winter months and operated with help from more than 150 volunteers, but it would still take over a year before the citys first sanctioned site opened. (There are now 20 legal sites province-wide.)
The activists spent 11 months in Moss Park, monitoring 9,000 injections, responding to 251 overdoses, according to the Toronto Overdose Prevention Society. Life-saving naloxone kits are now available for free at parties and kept on hand in bars and clubs.
And still, 1,475 died in Ontario in 2018. With the majority of deaths attributed to a drug supply increasingly tainted with fentanyl or fentanyl analogues, activists are calling for legalization so doctors can prescribe a safe supply. Its time for the government to wake up, listen to front-line activists and workers and end this senseless crisis. Kevin Ritchie
For the first time in our citys history, homeless encampments have sprung up on main streets. New to the wish lists of outreach and shelter workers are tents and tarps.
Its been a brutal decade for homelessness. Approximately 3,000 more people are homeless today than 10 years ago.
The citys shelter system is in crisis and now consistently runs at 100 per cent capacity, forcing administrators to place thousands in motels. The volunteer, faith-based Out of the Cold program was supposed to be a stopgap. It is now in its 33rd year of operating winter space for shelter.
A spate of homeless deaths in the winter of 2015 forced the city to turn two warming centres into 24/7 operations, but with lower standards than the citys main shelters.
When those are not enough, the city scrambles for respite locations that include dome structures, empty buildings at the CNE, empty hockey arenas or program space in a drop-in. It continues an approach that does not recognize homelessness as a year-round risk, or shelter as a human right. This year city council cancelled the cooling-centre program despite declaring a climate emergency.
Women vulnerable to sexual assaults were provided some reprieve through the opening of two 24-hour womens drop-ins about five years ago. The women sleep on the floor or in chairs.
Deadly new disease outbreaks such as Group A Strep in shelters have emerged. Meanwhile, bedbugs continue to rage and lice has re-emerged with a vengeance.
In the last 10 years, 379 names have been added to the Homeless Memorial at the Church of the Holy Trinity beside the Eaton Centre. The names no longer fit behind its glass enclosure. The citys public health department has also begun tracking deaths.
But the political climate toward the emergency remains cold at all three levels. The failure of Canadas so-called National Housing Strategy is apparent in the sky: not one crane represents a social housing project. Cathy Crowe
The last decade was a time defined by burgeoning activist movements across the globe. Among the most impactful and inspiring is the latest iteration of the centuries-old Black liberation movement, in which Toronto became a significant confluence for organizing whose influence spread far beyond the city limits.
The 2010s was a time of courageous, fierce and unapologetic activism from communities of Black people tired of waiting for what had been promised for decades. And while I was involved in what was among the most visible movements as a co-founder of Black Lives MatterToronto activists and advocates were working in spaces seen and unseen across the city.
We organized against police brutality and carding until the city of Toronto and the province of Ontario could no longer ignore us. We intervened in anti-Black racism experienced in schools from primary school to post-secondary education. We supported the arts in our communities. We built educational opportunities for children and adults that would teach us what had been taken away from us in the formal education system. We brought attention to the detention of Black asylum seekers and supported families reeling from the violence of anti-Black racism.
The Black liberation movement of the 2010s was visibly organized and led through the brilliance and scholarship of Black queer and trans people to whom countless organizers in movements everywhere owe the deepest debt. When Pride named Black Lives MatterToronto as the honoured group in 2016, we refused to be used by an organization who simply wanted to benefit from proximity to our cause. We demanded that which would genuinely honour us: a commitment to structural change within Pride that focused on stripping away the anti-Blackness our communities had experienced from Pride for years. That action, built by Black activist and queer and trans groups beyond just BLM-TO, sparked a shift in how Pride organizations engaged with Black and marginalized communities across the globe.
Most importantly, we changed the way mass culture discusses and engages with Blackness. At the beginning of the 2010s, anti-Black racism was an idea most people in power refused to acknowledge. Now, the world cannot claim ignorance in any discussion of anti-Black racism.
We reinvigorated what was possible not only for us as Black people, but for anyone who was willing to listen and learn from our work.
As we look toward the 2020s, we need to build a city (and a country) that refuses to take anti-Black racism lightly, and that refuses to acceptpoliticians who don Blackface and disappear the Black community along Eglinton West in favour of a gentrified condominium corridor. We want to live in a place that builds permanent Black spaces; a place where Black people who contributed greatly to Toronto and so much of its culture and its sounds are not pushed to the margins. This is the work that we all have ahead of us if we believe in justiceforBlack people. Sandra Hudson
It was 2011, and after years of unsuccessfully fighting the countrys medical marijuana regime in court, Stephen Harpers reefer-mad government doubled mandatory minimum sentences for producing and trafficking marijuana. A few years later, the whole medpot system was privatized. Then came the charismatic Justin Trudeau in 2015, promising to legalize it all. Remember that moment of hope? Even the self-described Prince of Pot, Marc Emery, encouraged his stoner disciples to vote for Trudeau. Billions flowed into the countrys weed industry as huge grow ops sprang up across the country.
The economy boomed for potheads willing to don a suit and play the game. Never before had any country pursued such an industry-friendly approach to legalization, which made millionaires out of wandering entrepreneurs and corporate cannabis icons out of drug war generals.
Hope metastasized into broad cynicism about how quickly an outlaw culture can be brought to heel by a set of well-written rules. Canadas first summer of legalization was a shitshow in Toronto, with the city siccing cops and bylaw enforcement officers on grey-market dispensaries. Those that wouldnt comply had their entrances blocked with huge concrete blocks. But at least we had legal weed. Canadiansresponded with enthusiasm to new freedoms, turning their balconies and backyards into marijuana grows.
Were probably no more or less stoned as a nation than we were a decade ago. But hundreds of thousands of Canadians still have criminal records.
For many, legalization changed nothing. The drug dealer economy is as healthy as it has ever been. But beyond that, legalization looks a lot like familiar consumerism. Canada may have changed the laws, but in the end its just one more thing to be marketed and sold. The good news is that Legalization 2.0 is just around the corner. Kieran Delamont
It still sounds surreal. The Toronto Raptors are NBA champions.
In their quarter-century existence, the basketball team had their dreams shattered more times than feels humane many of those times by LeBron James, who so owned the city that people were calling it LeBronto. Long-suffering Raptors fans had watched the team bumble through inept management and players feigning injuries, blocking trades and complaining about playing for the only Canadian team because they didnt want their kids learning the metric system. But we finally caught a break in 2018.
Team president Masai Ujiri took a big swing that year, trading DeMar DeRozan, one of the most popular Raptors ever, for an injured Kawhi Leonard, but those initial doubts seem silly now. Leonard only played one season here, but it was the single best season ever played in Toronto, a city without a title in any of the big three professional sports teams since 1993. Along with teammates like Kyle Lowry, Pascal Siakam and Fred VanVleet, the low-key forward/local folk hero gave us some of our biggest sports highs of the decade: blocks, dunks, a game-seven buzzer-beater that hit every part of the rim before finally dropping.
And, oh yeah, he also helped win a championship. In Toronto. For the Raptors. Seriously. RT
On a hot June weekend in 2010, the fourth meeting of the G20 Summit, hosted by then-Prime Minister Stephen Harper, made global headlines after an estimated 1,100+ protestors were arrested in some cases violently and by officers who had removed their badges detained in overcrowded conditions and, in most cases, not allowed access to lawyers.
On June 27, as most world leaders were leaving town, a group of protestors, bystanders and journalists at Queen and Spadina were kettled by police in riot gear forced to stand in pouring rain and indiscriminately arrested. That weekend saw the largest mass arrest in Canadian history and one of the countrys worst civil rights violations.
But as the fallout from the G20 faded from the news, the ability of police to indiscriminately stop citizens the practice known as carding continued to define the decade. The results of the Community Assessment of Police Practices, which surveyed Jane and Finch residents in 2014, found a parallel in the portrait of public mistrust of police that emerged from the G20 fiasco. Activist/journalist Desmond Cole and Black Lives Matter took up the fight against carding and police racism in the decades latter half. As the reports and inquiries pile up, many in Toronto are still waiting for meaningful change. KR
Its perhaps a testament to Jack Laytons impact that although hes been gone for most of this decade, his loss still feels raw. Part of that is because he was so very present in Toronto, first as a city councillor (and mayoral candidate) and then as the leader of the NDP from 2003 until his death on August 22, 2011. That was a little over three months after Layton led the party to its greatest election victory, becoming the official opposition to Stephen Harpers Conservative government. He could have been Canadas next prime minister.
When the news of Laytons death broke, supporters gathered at Nathan Phillips Square to leave flowers, share memories and cover the grounds with chalk testimonials and favourite quotes. (Even then-mayor Rob Ford grieved the loss of his former council rival, saying Layton had taught him never to take politics personally.) And Laytons wife and partner, Olivia Chow, released his final statement to Canadians, in which he said goodbye with an optimistic message: Love is better than anger. Hope is better than fear. Its a sentiment that sustains us at the end of this awful, dark decade. NW
The embattled Liberals under Justin Trudeau won a minority in October in an election in which race and racism loomed large. And Conservative Party leader Andrew Scheer, who spent much of the election stoking right-wing fears, now faces questions about his leadership.
But Canada is far from being a liberal haven in a world turning to right-wing nationalism. The wacko Peoples Party of Canada led by Maxime Bernier may have won zero seats, but it attracted more than a quarter-million votes.
Meanwhile, the most multicultural city on earth has become a hotbed for Islamophobic and white nationalist activism.
A string of demonstrations by anti-Muslim groups in front of city hall began taking place just weeks after gunman Alexandre Bissonnette killed six Muslim worshippers in a Quebec City mosque almost three years ago.
The protests were ostensibly held to target the Liberal Partys Motion 103 (now passed), which commissioned a parliamentary study on how to address Islamophobia. But true to form, much of the far-right used the motion to argue that it could lead to an Islamist takeover of Canada.
More ominously, the rallies gave rise to strategic alliances between anti-Muslim groups like Pegida Canada, Soldiers of Odin, Proud Boys and Three Percenters, and far-right Zionist groups like the Jewish Defense League and Never Again Canada.
The latter have also held protests in recent years in front of city hall, albeit under the guise of opposing immigration. Their concerns for Liberal-led mass immigration (read refugees) sometimes clashed with that of the white nationalist, neo-Nazi movement in Canada, which see Jews (or globalists) as the enemy. All of these demonstrations have exhibited some degree of violence, particularly against journalists and anti-fascist activists.
The hate has spread to university campuses under the guise of free speech, where the White Student Union and Its Okay To Be White Facebook groups and posters have been found stapled on campus bulletin boards.
Dangerous white nationalists with a loud social media presence continue to propagate hate online despite efforts by social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter. The most prominent among them, Faith Goldy, ran for mayor in 2018. She finished third, with more than 25,000 votes. Steven Zhou
On his first day as mayor of Toronto, Rob Ford met with Gary Webster, general manager of the TTC, and declared that Transit City, the complex light-rail expansion project spearheaded by previous magistrate David Miller, was dead.
This was not something he technically had the power to do, but as Rob and his councillor brother Doug would repeatedly demonstrate over the course of Robs mayoralty, rules were for other people. And Rob had made ending the war on the car a key part of his campaign, along with building more subways, so there it was. Everyone else could just lump it.
Never mind that Millers light-rail plan was already paid for, and would have been up and running by 2015; the Fords preferred subways, which wouldnt block them in traffic. And so Rob and Doug turned their attention to expanding the citys underground network and, after years of back and forth, turned the seven-stop Scarborough LRT into a one-stop subway that will cost the city billions, assuming its ever completed. (And itll cost us a bundle even if it isnt.)
Looking back, we can now recognize that the end of Transit City was just the first salvo in the Fords politics of spite, which Rob employed at every turn and which Doug continues to use today. Libraries, public services, mass transit: if the Fords didnt personally use something, it had no business existing. And so a project that would have made the city more accessible, more efficient and more appealing to tens of thousands of people was terminated for cheap political points, and replaced with empty promises.
Not that the next administration did any better: SmartTrack is no closer to reality now than it was when John Tory introduced it during his 2014 mayoral campaign. And now that Doug is (somehow) premier of Ontario, hes surely dedicating himself to hampering it in any way possible when hes not idly adding new lines to the TTC just to see whether he can complicate things further.
The only bright side is realizing Dougs Ontario Line has just about as much chance of arriving as promised as the Scarborough subway. Which isnt much of a bright side at all, really. NW
Pedestrian and cycling deaths have long been part of our car-centric transportation system.
When city hall adopted a Vision Zero road safety plan in June 2016 in response to record deaths on our roads, it may have expected the publics concern to be fleeting. Instead, that concern has turned to outrage as fatalities keep mounting.
The failure of the Vision Zero plan to address the carnage in a meaningful way represents one of the worst examples of political foot-dragging of the decade. Our city has changed. A recent EKOS poll found that 59 per cent of residents identify walking, cycling and transit as their main modes of transportation.
Spending $20 million per year on traffic lights and speed cameras pales in comparison to the billions invested every year in road design to move as many cars as quickly as possible.
Meanwhile, plans that could transform major streets like Yonge into pedestrian- and cycling-friendly communities continue to be shelved.
In the coming decade, city residents will become more vocal in demanding safe streets. And that will mean reducing motor vehicle traffic no buts about it. Albert Koehl
Its been a transformational decade for trans activism in Toronto and across Canada.
Trans and gender-diverse people are challenging social and cultural norms and binary notions of male and female like never before. We refuse to be invisible anymore and live our lives in secrecy.
While there is still much work to do to erase stigma and discrimination, trans and gender-diverse people are gaining legal recognition.
Overcoming prejudice, gaps in awareness and bureaucratic barriers remains a reality for trans and gender-diverse people navigating the health care system in Ontario. But institutions are also acknowledging their rights. In June of this year, Womens College Hospital officially launched its trans surgical care program, the first of its kind for a publicly funded hospital in Canada.
And while LGBTQ2S youth continue to be disproportionately represented among young people experiencing homelessness across Canada up to 40 per cent of youth experiencing homelessness identify as LGBTQ2S decision-makers are beginning to understand the unique challenges and needs of this population.
One of the biggest challenges that LGBTQ2S youth face in shelters and housing programs are issues regarding safety.
I have witnessed a major shift in peoples understanding and willingness to discuss and address these problems over the past decade. A major milestone was the opening of Canadas first LGBTQ2S transitional housing program in February 2016. YMCA Sprott House is a 25-bed facility that provides LGBTQ2S youth with a safe, affirming and inclusive place to live. This has been an important step in the right direction and has inspired more programs to open and other organizations to rethink how they deliver their services.
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