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The Toll That Eviction Takes – Qrius

ByClark Merrefield

August 3, 2020

A national moratorium on evicting tenants from certain residential rental properties went into effect as part of the federal coronavirusrelief packagePresident Donald Trump signed in March. The moratorium protected 28% of U.S. rental units about 12 million in total, according to a widely cited analysis from the nonprofitUrban Institute and included properties backed by federal mortgage loans and federal housing programs, such as the Department of AgriculturesRural Rental Housingprogram. Tenants werent exempt from paying rent, and rent bills piled up for those who couldnt pay. Still, evictions dropped considerably and the moratorium has prevented millions of renters from losing their homes during thecoronavirus recession,according toaProPublicaanalysis of court records collected from more than a dozen states.

The moratorium expired July 25, but a new coronavirus relief package being negotiated between Congress and the White Housemay extendthe eviction moratorium, although its not yet clear how long a new moratorium would last.

Eviction and the threat of eviction istraumatic for tenantsand can be costly for landlords needing to make repairs or upgrades before re-renting a unit. Research shows eviction can take a toll on tenants physical and mental health several of those papers are highlighted below. Though tens of thousands of eviction notices are filed each year in major U.S. cities, eviction affects rural and urban renters alike.

Evictions are legal proceedings. They begin with an eviction notice. Once an eviction notice is served, tenants usually have several days, depending on local laws, to respond to their landlords breach of contract allegation. Nonpayment of rent is by far the most common reason landlords file eviction notices. The federal government doesnt tally evictions, though a Senate billintroducedin late 2019 would establish a national evictions database.The Eviction Labat Princeton University conservatively estimates thatroughly 900,000 renting householdsare evicted in the U.S. each year.

For almost a century, there has been broad consensus in America that families should spend no more than 30% of their income on housing, allowing enough money for other necessities, such as food and transportation,writesPrinceton sociologistMatthew Desmond, who founded The Eviction Lab, in one of the papers featured here.

If a tenant can make up the back rent or otherwise satisfy the landlord finding a new home for a pet in a no-pet apartment, for example then landlord and tenant can avoid litigation. If not, the landlord may decide to proceed to court. If a housing judge grants an eviction order, the landlord can then file with local law enforcement, usually a sheriffs office, and pay a fee to have law enforcement evict the tenant. In a given jurisdiction, there are likely to be many more eviction notices filed than evictions carried out. Landlords often use eviction threats to pressure tenants into paying past due rent and late fees,research shows.

Its important to note that for many tenants, housing trouble and conflict with landlords is likely happening well before the formalized bureaucratic process begins before the law is involved. One tenant in Los Angeles told an academic researcher that she stopped paying rent after living with bedbugs and cockroaches for months, and after asking her landlord numerous times to repair cracks in the kitchen floor where she supposed the pests were getting in. A single mother with four children, she was working 12 hours a day. To her, withholding rent was an appropriate response to the conditions her family was forced to live in. Her landlord sent an eviction notice but she didnt receive a court date because she didnt file a response within the required five-day timeframe. She was busy and didnt know how to navigate the legal process. She lost her eviction case by default.Kyle Nelson, a doctoral candidate at the University of California, Los Angeles, spent 2014 volunteering at a tenants rights clinic in Los Angeles, chronicling that story and others in which the complexities of life butt up against the precision of the legal system, in aDecember 2019 paperpublished inSocial Problems.

Read on to learn what the research says about the state of eviction in America today with perspectives from landlords and tenants, an analysis of mobile home evictions, a study showing how health insurance can reduce evictions, plus more.

Heavy is the House: Rent Burden among the American Urban Poor

Matthew Desmond.International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, January 2018.

Desmond, who won a Pulitzer Prize in 2017 for his bookEvicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City, charts how rent has become an increasing burden for households with low incomes in recent decades.

For almost a century, there has been broad consensus in America that families should spend no more than 30% of their income on housing, allowing enough money for other necessities, such as food and transportation, he writes.

But 52% of U.S. families that are poor and rent spend more than half of their income on housing, according to Desmond. Households are considered poor if they fall belowfederal poverty guidelines, which vary based on the number of people in a household. People making between $10,000 and $15,000 each year spent 42% of their income on housing, on average, in 2011, up from 33% in 1991. Desmond notes that evictions are common in urban neighborhoods where residents have less relative income. The New York City housing court system, for instance, processes roughly 350,000 yearly eviction cases, most of them for nonpayment of rent, according to Desmond.

Most basically, the current affordable-housing crisis is the result of costs rising at a much faster rate than incomes, he writes.

Serial Filing: How Landlords Use the Threat of Eviction

Philip Garboden and Eva Rosen.City & Community, May 2019.

The authors interviewed 127 randomly sampled landlords and property managers in Baltimore, Dallas and Cleveland to understand how they use evictions and the threat thereof. Among landlords and property managers in the sample, 40% were Black, 47% were white and 60% were male. About half of the sample held primary rental properties in neighborhoods with high levels of poverty.

We find that landlords generally try to avoid costly evictions, instead relying on the serialthreatof eviction,Philip GarbodenandEva Rosenwrite, emphasis theirs. By redefining renters as debtors, filing assists in rent collection by leveraging the state to materially and symbolically support the landlords debt collection.

In Baltimore, for example, the authors note there are roughly 6,500 evictions executed each year, compared with 150,000 eviction filings exceeding the number of rental units by some 20,000. The interviews reveal landlords who constantly file for eviction against the same tenants. Eviction should not be viewed as a singular event, but rather, an ongoing set of relations between landlord and tenant, according to Garboden, an assistant professor of urban and regional planning at the University of Hawaii, and Rosen, an assistant professor of public policy at Georgetown University. They note their study is intentionally one-sided its purpose is to capture the perspectives of landlords, not tenants.

Most landlords interviewed said they dont want to evict tenants, some because they dont want to put people out, but many because they find the eviction process burdensome. Rick, the owner of seven rental properties in Cleveland, summed up landlords pervasive perspective on eviction succinctly: Dealing with the evictions is a bunch of crap. More specifically, landlords believe the eviction process is capricious, incompetently implemented, and unfair, the authors write.

Another finding: a tenant, even one who doesnt pay rent in full, is often better than no tenant at all. Kicking out a tenant means being ready to absorb the costs of turning over the unit, write Garboden and Rosen. At best, this entails touching up paint, making repairs, replacing or cleaning the carpet, and forgoing rent until a new tenant is found. Landlords estimate that this may run them anywhere between $500 and $1,500.

Filing for an eviction without following through, on the other hand, only incurs a small fee for the landlord in most cases, while putting pressure on the tenant to pay past due rent. Some landlords and property managers saw eviction filings coupled with late fees as a legitimate and non-trivial source of revenue.

The threat of eviction has important consequences on the tenants rental experience, providing an omnipresent signifier for poor renters that a house is not home, the authors conclude.

The Threat of Home Eviction and its Effects on Health through the Equity Lens: A Systematic Review

Hugo Vsquez-Vera, Laia Palncia, Ingrid Magna, Carlos Mena, Jaime Neira and Carme Borrell.Social Science & Medicine, February 2017.

The authors review results from 47 peer-reviewed articles that examine how the threat of eviction affects renters health. The articles were based on 45 studies, 33 of which focused on the U.S. and three-quarters of which were published after 2009.

Findings from several of those studies showed people over age 50 who fell behind on rent were more likely to experience depression. Other studies found renters living under the threat of eviction experienced poorer self-reported health outcomes, such as high blood pressure. Two articles found people threatened by eviction were more likely to have alcohol dependence, though other studies didnt associate eviction threats with alcohol consumption. One study found the alcohol-eviction association among men, but not women.

There is abundant evidence linking stressful life events and psychological, neuroendocrine and immunological changes that can impact mental and physical health, either directly through stress-related physiology or through the adoption of unhealthy behaviors, the authors write.

Displaced in Place: Manufactured Housing, Mass Eviction, and the Paradox of State Intervention

Esther Sullivan.American Sociological Review, February 2017.

Esther Sullivan, an assistant sociology professor at the University of Colorado Denver, examines housing insecurity within manufactured housing the single largest source of unsubsidized affordable housing in the United States, home to about 18 million low-income residents.

Many mobile home owners exist somewhere between renters and traditional home owners. A quarter of people living in mobile homes live in poverty, according to Sullivan, and one-third of mobile homeowners have land-lease arrangements. That means they own their mobile home but rent the ground below, making the risk of eviction inscribed into the very land on which they live, Sullivan writes.

Over two years, Sullivan interviewed residents in several mobile home parks in Florida and Texas, which have among the highest rates of people living in mobile home parks. Sullivan lived in parks in both states during her research. While Florida and Texas have very different laws regulating mobile home eviction, Florida is widely seen as having stronger laws protecting mobile home residents than Texas.

There were some key demographic differences between the two Florida parks and two Texas parks Sullivan included in her analysis. The Florida parks were primarily made up of people over age 55 who were predominately white. The Texas parks had residents of all ages and many were Central American immigrants. Sullivan offers that those demographic differences may have affected how residents responded to their evictions, but she also finds significant similarities among residents of the four parks, such as living in poverty and numerous past instances of forced relocation.

The mobile park closures resulted in serious upheaval for residents, but differences emerged as residents began to manage the terms and timing of the relocation, Sullivan writes. In Florida, with its cottage industry of mobile home moving services, public-private partnership arrangements made the terms and timing confusing and stressful for soon-to-be evicted mobile park residents. Owners of the mobile park where Sullivan lived said they would cover relocation costs up to $10,000, on top of a $3,000 voucher from the state for relocation, because they had put together a relocation package by partnering with two other privately owned companies, Sullivan writes. Residents in the Florida park received eviction notices in October and had expected to have until the spring to move. But to accommodate the schedule of one of the privately-owned moving companies, that move-out date was suddenly pushed up to January.

In Florida, residents experienced a stalled and then accelerated notification period as corporate intermediaries restructured the relocation in line with their own terms and timeline, Sullivan writes. Within Floridas system, residents lost their ability to choose their moving dates and contractors, and they were pushed to exit their homes before the date they were legally entitled.

Texas, with its hands-off approach and no financial aid for relocation, was different. Residents in the mobile parks there quickly pushed to relocate after they received eviction notices in the spring. The forced moves were not without harm, depleting some families savings. Others were able to use tax rebate checks that coincided with the eviction to pay for their moves. But Sullivan finds, overall, that residents in the Texas parks experienced less stress and turmoil compared with the Floridians.

Paradoxically, Floridas more protective regulatory environment incubated a more prolonged, disorienting and detrimental fallout for residents, Sullivan writes.

From Foreclosure to Eviction: Housing Insecurity in Corporate-Owned Single-Family Rentals

Elora Lee, Raymond Richard Duckworth, Benjamin Miller, Michael Lucas Atlanta and Shiraj Pokharel.Cityscape, November 2018.

The authors explore how corporate ownership of rental properties relates to evictions, based on evictions records from Fulton County, Georgia, which includes Atlanta. They matched eviction filings with tax assessment and deed records. Evictions in the county were geographically concentrated. While more than 20% of all rental households received an eviction notice in 2015, and more than 100 eviction notices were filed daily, in some zip codes 40% of rental households were subject to eviction notices that year.

Properties that were corporate-owned saw much higher rates of eviction. Firms that had more than 15 single-family rental homes were 68% more likely than small landlords to file eviction notices, even after controlling for past foreclosure status, property characteristics and neighborhood, the authors write.

One corporate owner, Colony Capital, was 205% more likely to file eviction notices compared with non-corporate entities, on average. Black tenants along with households headed by women were, in general, more likely than other tenants and households to receive an eviction notice.

One possible reason large corporate landlords backed by institutional investors may have higher eviction filing notices is that they may routinely use eviction notices as a rent collection strategy, the authors write.

The Effects of the ACA Medicaid Expansion on Nationwide Home Evictions and Eviction-Court Initiations: United States, 20002016

Naomi Zewde, Erica Eliason, Heidi Allen and Tal Gross.American Journal of Public Health, October 2019.

The Affordable Care Actprovided new health coveragefor about14 million Americansunder Medicaid. Using data from The Eviction Lab, the authors estimate the consequences of expanded government health care coverage on nationwide county-level evictions and eviction filings from 2000 to 2016. They associate Medicaid expansion with yearly eviction filing rates dropping by 1.59 per 1,000 rental units. They also found that higher rates of Black residents in a county were associated with higher eviction filing rates, after controlling for poverty and rent costs.

The authors offer three potential reasons for the association between expanded health coverage and lower overall eviction rates. The first is simply that families with health coverage are better off financially because theyre less likely to incurlarge medical bills. The second is that having access to medical care may alleviate poor health as a trigger for housing-related economic hardships, they write. Finally, better health may mean better employment less time missing work for health reasons, for example, and less risk of subsequently being fired. And while health coverage can reduce evictions, evictions can worsen health.

Evicted families are more likely to accept unsafe and inadequate housing conditions because of damaged credit and rental histories and a heightened need to secure immediate shelter, leading to both acute and long-term risk of worsened health outcomes, the authors write.

Does Eviction Cause Poverty? Quasi-Experimental Evidence from Cook County, IL

John Eric Humphries, Nicholas Mader, Daniel Tannenbaum and Winnie van Dijk.National Bureau of Economic ResearchWorking Paper, August 2019.

With 30,000 to 40,000 evictions cases filed each year in Cook County, Illinois, which includes Chicago, the authors analyzed nearly every eviction case filed there from 2000 to 2016, linked to credit bureau data on defendants credit reports. They find 55% of tenants who had not been evicted had no open line of credit, like a credit card, compared with 61% of evicted tenants, in the 13 to 36 months following an eviction. Tenants in eviction court also have thousands of dollars more in debt more than $3,000 in the 13 to 36 months after an eviction compared with about $1,200 for a random sample of people from the same neighborhood.

Still, despite reduced access to credit and higher debt, the authors write that while we find small causal effects on financial health and larger effects on access to credit, the results are much more moderate than the existing work on evictions. Moreover, both evicted and non-evicted households face increasing financial distress more than two years before the eviction court case is filed.

The authors also note they cannot directly speak to the effectiveness of policies targeting populations at risk of eviction, such as emergency relief funds, or assistance programs for recently evicted tenants.

Government Assistance Protects LowIncome Families from Eviction

Ian Lundberg, Sarah Gold, Louis Donnelly, Jeanne BrooksGunn and Sara McLanahan.Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, June 2020.

In this paper, government assistance means public housing. The authors use data from Princeton and Columbia UniversitysFragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, which followed families of children born from 1998 to 2000 in large U.S. cities and surveyed them when the children were 1, 3, 5, 9 and 15 years old. Their parents were more likely to be unmarried, producing a large sample of urban families at especially high risk of both housing assistance and eviction.

The final sample included about 1,300 children. The authors estimate children in the sample who lived in public housing by age 9 were 8 percentage points less likely to have experienced eviction by age 15.

For policymakers who view eviction as only one of many outcomes of interest, the implications of our results should be taken in the context of research on the effects of public housing on other outcomes, the authors write. Expansion of public housing may produce unwanted side effects, such as increases in income segregation or reductions in quality as public housing falls into disrepair.

This article was first published in Journalists Resource

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The Toll That Eviction Takes - Qrius

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The new Colorado laws that go into effect in 2020 | 9news.com

The new Colorado laws cover everything from surprise medical bills to bed bugs.

DENVER New year, new laws.

Multiple new laws passed by Colorados Democrat-controlled House and Senate and signed by Gov. Jared Polis (D) went into effect on January 1, 2020 following a busy 2019 legislative session.

Heres a look at what's new:

Better known as the red flag law, this was one of the most contentious items to arise from the 2019 legislative session.

This bill essentially allows a judge to temporarily seize the weapons of someone deemed a threat to themselves or others.

Dozens of counties around the state, including Weld County, have passed resolutions declaring themselves second amendment sanctuary counties, meaning they don't plan to enforce the new law.

The red flag law was written into the law books on April 12, but couldn't be used for the first until January 1, 2020.

Per the language in the red flag law, it requires that courts develop a standard petition form by January 1, 2020 -- and that law enforcement develop their policies by that same date.

It also means that families and law enforcement agencies can petition the courts for extreme risk protection orders beginning in 2020.

You can read the full text of the law here:http://bit.ly/37fu7L1

This law seeks to prevent medical providers from sending so-called surprise medical bills directly to patients.

The legislation comesin part from a 9Wants to Know investigation that exposed this practice, which involves patients who visit facilities in-network with their health insurance nevertheless receiving unexpected out-of-network medical bills.

Opponents of the bill have argued it could drive emergency room doctors out of the state, but the bills sponsors have said they dont believe it will have this impact.

Read the full text of the bill here:http://bit.ly/2rtFjEq

The new law puts a cap on what a patient pays for insulin -- $100 per 30-day supply for people with private insurance and insurance through Connect for Health Colorado (the state doesn't have the power to change health care plans run by the federal government).

That's a change for some people who pay as much as $600 a month for insulin.

Colorado is the first state to have such a law. State Rep. Dylan Robers (D-Avon) said that since it was signed, about 20 legislators from other states have contacted him to ask about implementing it, as well.

Illinois signed its own insulin cap law in 2019. That law goes into effect in 2021.

If patients run into problems with their pharmacies and suspect the cap isn't being enforced, the concern can be reported to:

Division of Insurance, Colorado Department of Regulatory Agencies

Phone: 303-894-7499 | 1-800-930-3745

Read the full text of the bill here:https://bit.ly/2rKy5vR

Under this new law, employers that fail to pay wages or meet the state minimum wage can now be charged with theft something that can range from anything from a petty offense to a felony. Previously, employers convicted of refusing to pay wages would be guilty of an unclassified misdemeanor.

Read the full text of the bill here:http://bit.ly/34TxyFu

This new law allows for permits to deliver medical marijuana starting in 2020 and decriminalizes marijuana delivery (one delivery per day), as long as it's allowed in the local jurisdiction. Deliveries can't be made to college campuses. Recreational delivery can begin in 2021.

Read the full text of the bill here:https://bit.ly/2ZGHm4G

"Marijuana hospitality establishments" can exist under this law. People can use medial or recreational marijuana inside these establishments, with local jurisdiction approval. Restaurants can apply, but not if they have a liquor license, as well.

Marijuana is an exception to the "Colorado Clean Indoor Air Act" under this law.

Read the full text of the bill here:https://bit.ly/2MM0nxq

This bill modifies provisions of the Food Protection Act in the following ways:

- It clarifies the definition of imminent health hazard

- Removes the minimum amount of a civil penalty and sets the maximum at $1,000

- Creates a new civil penalty process for inspection violations

- Requires the system to communicate inspection results only be revised through the triennial stakeholder process

Read the full text of the bill here:http://bit.ly/2Svmrjw

This law allows local governments to establish a minimum wage for people working in their jurisdiction. Previous state law prohibited local governments from enacting minimum wage laws separate from those of the state.

Under the new law, local governments are limited in how the minimum wage can increase: either $1.75 per hour or 15% of the states minimum wage, whichever is greater.

Colorados minimum wage will increase to $12 per hour starting on January 1, 2020.

Read the full text of the bill here:http://bit.ly/2tRpzvL

This bill requires tenants to notify landlords about potential bedbugs as soon as possible, and that landlords must inspect the offending units within 96 hours of receiving notice.

In addition, landlords are responsible for all of the costs associated with mitigating bed bugs.

Read the full text of the bill here:http://bit.ly/34X6ghz

This bill establishes regulations for peer-to-peer car sharing programs. These programs like the Turo app essentially let drivers rent cars directly from their owners for a fee.

The legislation requires record keeping for transactions in these programs, emergency numbers for roadside assistance and insurance coverage.

Read the full text of the bill here:http://bit.ly/2EWYxFK

This bill requires that car insurance customers and their insurers disclose information regarding automobile liability insurance coverage to individuals making claims.

This information includes the name of the insurer, the name of the insured party, the limits of the liability coverage and a copy of the policy. Failure to do so could result in damages of $100 a day beginning 31 days after this information is first requested.

Read the full text of the bill here:http://bit.ly/2ZsZkaB

This bill changes the requirements for renewing and reinstating plumber licenses. For instance, beginning on May 1, 2021, persons renewing their plumbing licenses need to have completed eight hours of continuing education for every year that has passed since their last renewal.

It also mandates the State Plumbing Board adopt new rules for continuing education requirements and standards by July 1, 2020.

Read the full text of the bill here:http://bit.ly/2sdsM8I

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Colorado Bed Bug Hotel and Apartment Reports …

Bed Bug Hotel and Apartment Reports. Click on the city below to find our latest bed bug reports in Colorado on hotels. To report a new bed bug incident, navigate to our city page below to see further details.

Recommended tips after hotel check-in: 1. Pick up the mattresses in the rooms and look under it. Check around the edges of the box springs. 2. Check under the box spring. 3. Lift up each headboard an lay it on the bed. Carefully inspect the hole where the headboard was lifted out of. Also, inspect all niches and corners of the headboard. 4. If you decide to stay in the hotel, do not put any clothes in dressers. Keep them in your luggage and your dirty clothes in plastic bags.

Stayed at this location for 4 nights (1/13/20 - 1/17/20) and ended up with multiple bedbug bites all over my shoulder, legs and extremities. Called back immediately to report and the GM called back fe...

Room 238 had bedbugs. Owner quickly gave full 11day-scheduled refund without checking the room for himself. Room 237 had unplugged refrigerator inside the room without 120v outlet receptacle nearby....

We stayed in their condo from 9/22/19-09/28/19. While there, I saw a few black marks on the sheets that looked like small ink spots, but I didn't think too much about it. Two days after arriving hom...

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Bed Bugs Facts | Denver Public Health

What are bed bugs?

Bed bugs aresmall, flat insects that feed on the blood of people and animals while they sleep. Mature adults are about the size of an apple seed. They are reddish-brown in color and wingless. Download a bed bugs information sheet (Espaol).

Where are bed bugs found?

Bed bugsexist in all areas of the world, including the United States and can live several months without a meal. They are experts at hiding and their slim, flat bodies allow them to fit into tiny spaces and stay there for long periods of time.

Do bed bugs spread disease?

No, bed bugs do not spread disease.

What are the signs and symptoms of a bed bug infestation?

How do I know if I've been bitten by a bed bug?

Everyone reacts differently to a bed bug bite. Most people do not realize they have been bitten until bite marks appear from one to several days after the bite.

Some people may experience an allergic reaction to several bites. These people may need medical attention. Only 30 percent of people show signs of a rash, which makes detecting them early on very difficult.

How did I get bed bugs?

Bed bugs are usually transported fromplace to place on people's belongings and their personal body. When people travel the bugs can hide in the seams and folds of luggage, overnight bags, folded clothes, bedding and furniture. Most people do not realize they are transporting stow-away bed bugs as the travel from location to location. Bed bugs can also be found in secondhand furniture and clothing.

Who is at risk for getting bed bugs?

Everyone visiting an infected area is at risk. However, travelers who share living and sleeping quarters with other people have a higher risk of being bitten and/or spreading a bed bug infestation.

How are bed bugs treated and prevented?

Bed bug bites do not usually pose a serious medical threat. The best way to treat a bite is to avoid scratching the area, use antiseptic creams or lotions and take an antihistamine. Bed bugs infestations are commonly treated by insecticide spraying.

If you suspect you have an infestation, contact your landlord or a professional pest control company familiar with treating bed bugs. The best way to prevent bed bugs is to regularly look for signs of an infestation.

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Bed Bugs Facts | Denver Public Health

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Landlord And Tenant Duties Regarding Bed Bugs | Colorado …

Tenants and landlords - bed bugs in residential premises. The act requires a tenant to promptly notify the tenant's landlord via written or electronic notice when the tenant knows or reasonably suspects that the tenant's dwelling unit contains bed bugs. A tenant who gives the notice electronically shall send it only to the e-mail address, telephone number, or electronic portal specified by the landlord in the rental agreement for communications. In the absence of such a provision in the rental agreement, the tenant shall communicate with the landlord in a manner that the landlord has previously used to communicate with the tenant. The tenant shall retain sufficient proof of the delivery of the electronic notice.

Not more than 96 hours after receiving notice of the presence or possible presence of bed bugs, a landlord:

If the inspection of a dwelling unit confirms the presence of bed bugs, the landlord shall also cause to be performed an inspection of all contiguous dwelling units as promptly as is reasonably practical.

With certain exceptions, a landlord is responsible for all costs associated with inspection for, and treatment of, the presence of bed bugs.

If a landlord, qualified inspector, or pest control agent must enter a dwelling unit for the purpose of conducting an inspection for, or treating the presence of, bed bugs, the landlord shall provide the tenant reasonable written or electronic notice before the landlord, qualified inspector, or pest control agent attempts to enter the dwelling unit. A tenant who receives the notice shall not unreasonably deny access to the dwelling unit.

A tenant shall comply with reasonable measures to permit the inspection for, and treatment of, the presence of bed bugs, and the tenant is responsible for all costs associated with preparing the tenant's dwelling unit for inspection and treatment. A tenant who knowingly and unreasonably fails to comply with inspection and treatment requirements is liable for the cost of subsequent bed bug treatments of the dwelling unit and contiguous units if the need for the treatments arises from the tenant's noncompliance.

If any furniture, clothing, equipment, or personal property belonging to a tenant is found to contain bed bugs, the qualified inspector shall advise the tenant that the furniture, clothing, equipment, or personal property should not be removed from the dwelling unit until a pest control agent determines that a bed bug treatment has been completed. The tenant shall not dispose of personal property that was determined to contain bed bugs in any common area where such disposal may risk the infestation of other dwelling units.

A landlord shall not offer for rent a dwelling unit that the landlord knows or reasonably suspects contains bed bugs. Upon request from a prospective tenant, a landlord shall disclose to the prospective tenant whether, to the landlord's knowledge, the dwelling unit that the landlord is offering for rent contained bed bugs within the previous 8 months. Upon request from a tenant or a prospective tenant, a landlord shall disclose the last date, if any, on which a dwelling unit being rented or offered for rent was inspected for, and found to be free of, bed bugs.

A landlord who fails to comply with the requirements of the act is liable to the tenant for the tenant's actual damages. A landlord may apply to a court of competent jurisdiction to obtain injunctive relief against a tenant who refuses to provide reasonable access to a dwelling unit or fails to comply with a reasonable request for inspection or treatment of a dwelling unit.

(Note: This summary applies to this bill as enacted.)

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